القومية المحافظة

(تم التحويل من National conservatism)

القومية المحافظة National conservatism هي تنويعة قومية من الفكر المحافظ تركز على الحفاظ على الهوية القومية والثقافية. وهي تشترك في جوانب المحافظة التقليدية والمحافظة الاجتماعية.[1][2][3][4][5] National conservatives usually combine conservatism with nationalist stances, emphasizing cultural conservatism, family values and opposition to immigration.[4][5][6][7] National conservative parties often have roots in environments with a rural, traditionalist or peripheral basis, contrasting with the more urban support base of liberal conservative parties.[8] In Europe, they usually embrace some form of Euroscepticism.[7][9] In post-communist central and eastern Europe specifically, most conservative parties since 1989 have followed a national conservative ideology.[10] In the United States, Trumpism can be considered a variety of national conservatism,[11][12] which also gives its name to the National Conservatism Conference, organised by the Edmund Burke Foundation.[13]

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الأيديولوجية

السياسات الاجتماعية

Ideologically, national conservatism is not a uniform philosophy but adherents have broadly expressed support for nationalism, patriotism, assimilationism and monoculturalism. At the same time there is expressed opposition to internationalism, racial politics, multiculturalism and globalism.[14][15][16] National conservatives adhere to a form of cultural nationalism that emphasizes the preservation of national identity as well as cultural identity. As a result, many favor assimilation into the dominant culture, restrictions on immigration and strict law and order policies.[5][7][4]

National conservative parties are "socially traditional"[7] and support traditional family values, gender roles and the public role of religion,[4][17] being sometimes critical of separation of church and state. According to the Austrian political scientist Sieglinde Rosenberger, "national conservatism praises the family as a home and a center of identity, solidarity, and tradition".[17] Many national conservatives are thus social conservatives.

السياسات الاقتصادية

National conservative parties in different countries do not necessarily share a common position on economic policy. Their views may range from support of corporatism and mixed economy to a more laissez-faire approach. In the first, more common case, national conservatives can be distinguished from liberal conservatives,[18] for whom free market economic policies, deregulation and tight spending are the main priorities. Some commentators have indeed identified a growing gap between national and economic liberal conservatism: "Most parties of the Right [today] are run by economically liberal conservatives who, in varying degrees, have marginalised social, cultural and national conservatives."[18]

السياسة الخارجية

National conservatives usually support a foreign policy that upholds the interests of their nation. They lean towards militarism, unilateralism and isolationism. They reject the internationalism and multilateralism that has characterized the modern global age.[6][19] They often have a negative view of the United Nations, feeling that its globalist agenda erodes their unique national identity,[6][19] as well as the European Union and other international organisations.

التنويعات الإقليمية

Regional parties can be nationalist or national-conservative, without aligning with the country to which the region belongs. South Tyrol is a notable example, as "national-conservative" parties there represent its German-speaking majority and identify with neighbouring Austria, with which South Tyrol shares cultural and historical ties.

علم النفس

الضمير الحي

The Big Five Personality Model has applications in the study of political psychology. It has been found by several studies that individuals who score high in Conscientiousness (the quality of working hard and being careful) are more likely to possess a right-wing political identification.[20][21][22] On the opposite end of the spectrum, a strong correlation was identified between high scores in Openness to Experience and a left-leaning ideology.[20][23][24] Because conscientiousness is positively related to job performance,[25][26] a 2021 study found that conservative service workers earn higher ratings, evaluations, and tips than social liberal ones.[27]

حساسية الاشمئزاز

A number of studies have found that disgust is tightly linked to political orientation. People who are highly sensitive to disgusting images are more likely to align with the political right and value traditional norms of bodily and spiritual purity, tending to oppose, for example, abortion and gay marriage.[28][29][30]

Research has also found that people who are more disgust sensitive tend to favour their own in-group over out-groups. The reason behind this may be that people begin to associate outsiders with disease while associating health with people similar to themselves.[31]

The higher one's disgust sensitivity is, the greater the tendency to make more conservative moral judgments. Disgust sensitivity is associated with moral hypervigilance, which means people who have higher disgust sensitivity are more likely to think that suspects of a crime are guilty. They also tend to view them as evil and criminal, thus endorsing them to harsher punishment in the setting of a court.[32]

السلطوية

Following the Second World War, psychologists conducted research into the different motives and tendencies that account for ideological differences between left and right. The early studies focused on conservatives, beginning with Theodor W. Adorno's The Authoritarian Personality (1950) based on the F-scale personality test. This book has been heavily criticized on theoretical and methodological grounds, but some of its findings[مطلوب توضيح] have been confirmed by further empirical research.[33]

According to psychologist Bob Altemeyer, individuals who are politically conservative tend to rank high in right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) on his RWA scale.[34] This finding was echoed by Adorno. A study done on Israeli and Palestinian students in Israel found that RWA scores of right-wing party supporters were significantly higher than those of left-wing party supporters.[35] However, a 2005 study by H. Michael Crowson and colleagues suggested a moderate gap between RWA and other conservative positions, stating that their "results indicated that conservatism is not synonymous with RWA".[36]

التسامح وعدمه تجاه الغموض

In 1973, British psychologist Glenn Wilson published an influential book providing evidence that a general factor underlying conservative beliefs is "fear of uncertainty."[37] A meta-analysis of research literature by Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, and Sulloway in 2003 found that many factors, such as intolerance of ambiguity and need for cognitive closure, contribute to the degree of one's political conservatism and its manifestations in decision-making.[33][38] A study by Kathleen Maclay stated these traits "might be associated with such generally valued characteristics as personal commitment and unwavering loyalty". The research also suggested that while most people are resistant to change, social liberals are more tolerant of it.[39]

الميل للهيمنة الاجتماعية

Social dominance orientation (SDO) is a personality trait measuring an individual's support for social hierarchy and the extent to which they desire their in-group be superior to out-groups. Psychologist Felicia Pratto and her colleagues have found evidence to support the claim that a high SDO is strongly correlated with conservative views and opposition to social engineering to promote equality.[40] Pratto and her colleagues also found that high SDO scores were highly correlated with measures of prejudice.[بحاجة لمصدر]

However, David J. Schneider argued for a more complex relationships between the three factors, writing that "correlations between prejudice and political conservatism are reduced virtually to zero when controls for SDO are instituted, suggesting that the conservatism–prejudice link is caused by SDO".[41] Conservative political theorist Kenneth Minogue criticized Pratto's work, saying:

It is characteristic of the conservative temperament to value established identities, to praise habit and to respect prejudice, not because it is irrational, but because such things anchor the darting impulses of human beings in solidities of custom which we do not often begin to value until we are already losing them. Radicalism often generates youth movements, while conservatism is a condition found among the mature, who have discovered what it is in life they most value.[42]

A 1996 study by Pratto and her colleagues examined the topic of racism. Contrary to what these theorists predicted, correlations among conservatism and racism were strongest among the most educated individuals, and weakest among the least educated. They also found that the correlation between racism and conservatism could be accounted for by their mutual relationship with SDO.[43]


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السعادة

In his book Gross National Happiness (2008), Arthur C. Brooks presents the finding that conservatives are roughly twice as happy as social liberals.[44] A 2008 study suggested that conservatives tend to be happier than social liberals because of their tendency to justify the current state of affairs and to remain unbothered by inequalities in society.[45] A 2012 study disputed this, demonstrating that conservatives expressed greater personal agency (e.g., personal control, responsibility), more positive outlook (e.g., optimism, self-worth), and more transcendent moral beliefs (e.g., greater religiosity, greater moral clarity).[46]

قائمة الأحزاب القومية المحافظة

Current national conservative parties, or parties with national conservative factions

 
Japan's national conservative LDP has long dominated the country's politics. (see 1955 System.)

The following political parties have been characterised as being ideologically influenced by national conservativism:

Defunct or formerly national conservative parties, or parties with national conservative factions

انظر أيضاً


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