المعرفة

تبادل السكان بين اليونان وتركيا

تبادل السكان بين اليونان وتركيا 1923 1923 population exchange between Greece and Turkey (باليونانية: Ἡ Ἀνταλλαγή، تركية: Mübâdele)، حسب "اتفاقية التبادل السكاني اليوناني التركي" الموقعة في لوزان، سويسرا، في 30 يناير 1923، من قبل حكومة اليونان وتركيا. وتضمنت تبادل حوالي 2 مليون شخص (حوالي 1.2 مليون يوناني من آسيا الصغرى، تراقيا الشرقية، و400.000 مسلم في اليونان)، معظمهم أصبحوا لاجئين قسرياً وتم تهجيرهم بحكم القانون من مواطنهم.

كرتون يصور العلاقات التركية اليونانية في الفترة العثمانية.
مجموعة من السكان المرحلين.
وثيقة من عام 1914 توضح الأرقام الرسمية من تعداد سكان الدولة العثمانية عام 1914. كان إجمالي تعداد السكان (مجموع جميع الملل) الوارد 20.975.345 نسمة، وإجمالي السكان اليونانيين 1.792.206 نسمة.

بحلول نهاية 1922، كانت غالبية يونانيو آسيا الصغرى الأصليين قد فروا من التطهير العرقي اليوناني الذي حدث مؤخراً (1914-1922) وهزيمة اليونان اللاحقة في الحرب التركية اليونانية (1919-1922).[1] تبعاً لبعض الحسابات، أثناء خريف 1922، وصل ما يقارب 900.000 يوناني إلى اليونان.[2] حسب فريدتيوف ناسن، قبل المرحلة الأخيرة، عام 1922، من ضمن 900.000 لاجئ يوناني، كان ثلثهم من تراقيا الشرقية، بينما كان الثلثين الآخرين من آسيا الصغرى.[3][4] تقدير أعداد اليونانيين المقيمين داخل حدود تركيا المعاصرة عام 1914 كان 2.115 مليون رقم يزيد عن 1.8 يوناني عام 1910 والذي يشمل تراقيا الغربية، مقدونيا وإپيروس. وكانت أعداد العثمانيين 652.000 شخص في تراقيا الشرقية ويشمل ذلك القسطنطينية (260.000، 30% من السكان)، 550.000 يوناني پونيقي، 880.000 يوناني أناضولي و60.000 يوناني قپادوقي. يقدر عدد القادمين ضمن عملية التبادل 1.310.000: 260.000 من تراقيا الشرقية، 20.000 من الساحل الجنوبي من بحر مرمرة، 650.000 من الأناضول، 60.000 من قپادوقيا، 280.000 يوناني پونيقي، 40.000 غادروا القسطنطينية (لم يطالب اليونانيون هناك بالرحيل) بإجمالي 1.310.000 شخص. كما أتى 50.000 يوناني آخر من القوقاز و12.000 من القرم، و220.000 يوناني ظلوا في القسطنطينية. قُتل 480.000 شخص أثناء الحرب وظل البقية 105.000 ليصل إجمالي اليونانين 2,115 شخص (ويشمل 1,200,000 أرمني ليقل العدد عن 600,000). بلغ عدد الأشوريون في تركيا والعراق 550.000 بالتساوي (275.000 في تركيا تم ذبحهم). كان هناك أيضاً بعض البلغار الأرثوذكس في تراقيا الشرقية. وحسب تعداد الدولة العثمانية لعام 1914 كان هناك 13.4 مليون مسلم، 1.2 مليون أرمني و1.8 مليون يوناني (لكن ليس المسيحيون الأشوريون والبالغ عددهم 600.000، نصفهم في تركيا) خارج التعداد ليبلغ العدد 1.400.000 شخص. وكان إجمالي تعداد المسيحيين 3 مليون حسب التعداد وداخل الحدود المعاصرة لتركيا وصل عددهم إلى 4.4 مليون من إجمالي 17.7 مليون. كنت نسبة المسيحيين تقترب من 25% من إجمالي السكان عام 1914، وليس 18.9% كما ورد في التعداد العثماني الرسمي. كان هناك 8.5 مليون شخص في المناطق العثمانية ذات الأغلبية الناطقة بالعربية في بلاد الشام وشبه الجزيرة العربية منهم 1.6 مليون من المسيحيين مما يوصل النسبة الإجمالية للمسيحيين داخل الدولة العثمانية إلى 23% أو 6 مليون. بحلول 1924 انخفض تعداد المسيحيين إلى 700.000 نسمة.

تم تصوير التبادل السكاني من قبل تركيا على أنه طريقة لإضفاء الطابع الرسمي، والديمومة، لخروج اليونان من تركيا، بينما بدأت عملية خروج جديدة لأعداد أقل من المسلمين من اليونان لإمداد البلاد بالمستوطنين لاحتلال المناطق المهجرة الجديدة، بينما رأت اليونان أن عملية التبادل ما هي إلا وسيلة لإمداد أعداد اللاجئيين الجدد عديمي المأوى القادمين من تركيا بالأراضي التي تركها مسلمي تركيا المهجرون في عملية التبادل.[5]

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الأرقام المقدرة

By the end of 1922, the vast majority of native Asia Minor Greeks had fled the new state of Turkey due to defeat of the Greek army in the Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922).[1]

According to some calculations, during the autumn of 1922, around 900,000 Greeks arrived in Greece.[6] According to Fridtjof Nansen, before the final stage, in 1922, of the 900,000 Greek refugees a third were from Eastern Thrace, with the other two thirds being from Asia Minor.[7][8]

The estimate for the Greeks living within the present day borders of Turkey in 1914 could be as high as 2.130 million a figure higher than the 1.8 million Greeks in the Ottoman census of 1910 which included Western Thrace, Macedonia and Epirus based on the number of Greeks who left for Greece just before World War I and the number, 1.3. million who arrived in the population exchanges of 1923, and massacred, estimated to between 300-900,000. A revised count suggests 620,000 in Eastern Thrace including Constantinople (260,000, 30% of the city's population), 550,000 Pontic Greeks, 900,000 Anatolian Greeks and 60,000 Cappadocian Greeks. Arrivals in Greece from the exchange numbered 1,310,000 according to the map (in this article) with figures below: 260,000 from Eastern Thrace (100,000 had already left between 1912–1914 after the Balkan Wars), 20,000 from the southern shore of the Sea of Marmara, 650,000 from Anatolia, 60,000 from Cappadocia, 280,000 Pontic Greeks, 40,000 left Constantinople (the Greeks there were permitted to stay, but those who had fled during the war were not allowed to return).

Additionally 50,000 Greeks came from the Caucasus, 50,000 from Bulgaria and 12,000 from Crimea, almost 1.42 million from all regions. 340,000 Greeks remained in Turkey, 220,000 of them in Istanbul in 1924.

The most often given figure for Ottoman Greeks killed from 1914 to 1923 ranges from 300,000-900,000. For the whole of the period between 1914 and 1922 and for the whole of Anatolia, there are academic estimates of death toll ranging from 289,000 to 750,000. The figure of 750,000 is suggested by political scientist Adam Jones.[9] Scholar Rudolph Rummel compiled various figures from several studies to estimate lower and higher bounds for the death toll between 1914 and 1923. He estimates that 384,000 Greeks were exterminated from 1914 to 1918, and 264,000 from 1920 to 1922. The total number reaching 648,000.Rummel, R.J. "Statistics Of Turkey's Democide Estimates, Calculations, And Sources". University of Hawai'i. Retrieved 15 April 2015. Table 5.1B.Hinton, Alexander Laban; Pointe, Thomas La; Irvin-Erickson, Douglas (2013). Hidden Genocides: Power, Knowledge, Memory (in الإنجليزية). Rutgers University Press. p. 180. ISBN 9780813561646. The foremost expert on genocide statistics, Rudolph Rummel, has estimated that from 1914 to 1918 the Ottomans exterminated up to 384,000, Greeks, while from 1920 to 1922 another 264,000 Greeks were killed by the Nationalists. Historian Constantine G Hatzidimitriou writes that "loss of life among Anatolian Greeks during the WWI period and its aftermath was approximately 735,370".[10] The prewar Greek population may have been closer to 2.4 million. The number of Armenians killed varies from a low of 300,000 to 1.5 million. The official Ottoman statistics compiled for the period between 1915 and 1917–18 were of 800,000 killed.[11] The estimate for Assyrians is 275–300,000.[12]

By 1924 the Christian population of Turkey proper had been reduced from 4.4 million in 1912 to 700,000 (50% of the pre-war Christians had been killed), 350,000 Armenians, 50,000 Assyrians and the rest Greeks, 70% in Constantinople; and by 1927 to 350,000, mostly in Istanbul. In modern times the percentage of Christians in Turkey has declined from 20–25 percent in 1914 to 3–5.5 percent in 1927, to 0.3–0.4% today[13] This was due to events that had a significant impact on the country's demographic structure, such as the First World War, the genocide of Syriacs, Assyrian, Greeks, Armenians, and Chaldeans the population exchange between Greece and Turkey in 1923.


خلفية تاريخية

The Greek–Turkish population exchange came out of the Turkish military's reaction against Christian minorities in the late days of the Ottoman Empire and its subsequent massacres of them: Adana massacre of 1909, Armenian Genocide of 1914–1923, and Greek genocide 1914–1922. By January 31, 1917, the Chancellor of Germany, allied with the Ottomans during World War I, was reporting that:


The indications are that the Turks plan to eliminate the Greek element as enemies of the state, as they did earlier with the Armenians. The strategy implemented by the Turks is of displacing people to the interior without taking measures for their survival by exposing them to death, hunger, and illness. The abandoned homes are then looted and burnt or destroyed. Whatever was done to the Armenians is being repeated with the Greeks.

 
توزيع يونانيي الأناضول عام 1910: الناطقون باليونانية الدموتية بالأصفر، اليونانية الپونطية بالبرتقالي واليونانية القپادوقية بالأخضر وموضح على الخريطة القرى المنفردة.[14]

At the end of World War I one of the Ottoman's foremost generals, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, continued the fight against the attempted Allied occupation of Turkey in the Turkish War of Independence. The surviving Christian minorities within Turkey, particularly the Armenians and the Greeks, had sought protection from the Allies and thus continued to be seen as an internal problem, and as an enemy, by the Turkish National Movement. This was exacerbated by the Allies authorizing Greece to occupy Ottoman regions (Occupation of Smyrna) with a large surviving Greek minority population in 1919 and by an Allied proposal to protect the remaining Armenians by creating an independent state for them (Wilsonian Armenia) within the former Ottoman realm. The Turkish Nationalists' reaction to these events led directly to the Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922) and the continuation of the Armenian genocide and Greek genocide. After Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's capture of Smyrna followed by the abolition of the Ottoman Empire on November 1, 1922, over a million Greek orthodox Ottoman subjects had fled their homes in Turkey.[15] A formal peace agreement was signed with Greece after months of negotiations in Lausanne on July 24, 1923. Two weeks after the treaty, the Allied Powers turned over Istanbul to the Nationalists, marking the final departure of occupation armies from Anatolia and provoking another flight of Christian minorities to Greece.[16]

On October 29, 1923, the Grand Turkish National Assembly announced the creation of the Republic of Turkey, a state that would encompass most of the territories claimed by Mustafa Kemal in his National Pact of 1920.[17]

The state of Turkey was headed by Mustafa Kemal's People's Party, which later became the Republican People's Party. The end of the War of Independence brought new administration to the region, but also brought new problems considering the demographic reconstruction of cities and towns, many of which had been abandoned by fleeing minority Christians. The Greco-Turkish War left many of the settlements plundered and in ruins.

Meanwhile, after the Balkan Wars, Greece had almost doubled its territory, and the population of the state had risen from approximately 3.7 million to 4.8 million. With this newly annexed population, the proportion of non-Greek minority groups in Greece rose to 13%, and following the end of the First World War, it had increased to 20%. Most of the ethnic populations in these annexed territories were Muslim, but were not necessarily Turkish in ethnicity. This is particularly true in the case of ethnic Albanians who inhabited the Çamëria (Greek: Τσαμουριά) region of Epirus. During the deliberations held at Lausanne, the question of exactly who was Greek, Turkish or Albanian was routinely brought up. Greek and Albanian representatives determined that the Albanians in Greece, who mostly lived in the northwestern part of the state, were not all mixed, and were distinguishable from the Turks. The government in Ankara still expected a thousand "Turkish-speakers" from the Çamëria to arrive in Anatolia for settlement in Erdek, Ayvalık, Menteşe, Antalya, Senkile, Mersin, and Adana. Ultimately, the Greek authorities decided to deport thousands of Muslims from Thesprotia, Larissa, Langadas, Drama, Vodina, Serres, Edessa, Florina, Kilkis, Kavala, and Salonika. Between 1923 and 1930, the infusion of these refugees into Turkey would dramatically alter Anatolian society. By 1927, Turkish officials had settled 32,315 individuals from Greece in the province of Bursa alone.[17]

الطريق إلى التبادل

 
Kayaköy (Livisi), in southwestern Anatolia, once a Greek-inhabited settlement, was turned into a ghost town after the population exchange.[18] According to local tradition, Muslims refused to repopulate the place because "it was infested with the ghosts of Livisians massacred in 1915".[19]

According to some sources, the population exchange, albeit messy and dangerous for many, was executed fairly quickly by respected supervisors.[20] If the goal of the exchange was to achieve ethnic-national homogeneity, then this was achieved by both Turkey and Greece. For example, in 1906, nearly 20 percent of the population of present-day Turkey was non-Muslim, but by 1927, only 2.6 percent was.[21]

The architect of the exchange was Fridtjof Nansen, commissioned by the League of Nations. As the first official high commissioner for refugees, Nansen proposed and supervised the exchange, taking into account the interests of Greece, Turkey, and West European powers. As an experienced diplomat with experience resettling Russian and other refugees after the First World War, Nansen had also created a new travel document for displaced persons of the World War in the process. He was chosen to be in charge of the peaceful resolution of the Greek-Turkish war of 1919–22. Although a compulsory exchange on this scale had never been attempted in modern history, Balkan precedents, such as the Greco-Bulgarian population exchange of 1919, were available. Because of the unanimous decision by the Greek and Turkish governments that minority protection would not suffice to ameliorate ethnic tensions after the First World War, population exchange was promoted as the only viable option.[22]:823–847

According to representatives from Ankara, the "amelioration of the lot of the minorities in Turkey' depended 'above all on the exclusion of every kind of foreign intervention and of the possibility of provocation coming from outside'. This could be achieved most effectively with an exchange, and 'the best guarantees for the security and development of the minorities remaining' after the exchange 'would be those supplied both by the laws of the country and by the liberal policy of Turkey with regard to all communities whose members have not deviated from their duty as Turkish citizens'. An exchange would also be useful as a response to violence in the Balkans; 'there were', in any event, 'over a million Turks without food or shelter in countries in which neither Europe nor America took nor was willing to take any interest'.

The population exchange was seen as the best form of minority protection as well as "the most radical and humane remedy" of all. Nansen believed that what was on the negotiating table at Lausanne was not ethno-nationalism, but rather, a "question" that "demanded 'quick and efficient' resolution without a minimum of delay." He believed that economic component of the problem of Greek and Turkish refugees deserved the most attention: "Such an exchange will provide Turkey immediately and in the best conditions with the population necessary to continue the exploitation of the cultivated lands which the departed Greek populations have abandoned. The departure from Greece of its Moslem citizens would create the possibility of rendering self-supporting a great proportion of the refugees now concentrated in the towns and in different parts of Greece". Nansen recognized that the difficulties were truly "immense", acknowledging that the population-exchange would require "the displacement of populations of many more than 1,000,000 people". He advocated: "uprooting these people from their homes, transferring them to a strange new country, ... registering, valuing and liquidating their individual property which they abandon, and ... securing to them the payment of their just claims to the value of this property".[22]:79

The agreement promised that the possessions of the refugees would be protected and allowed migrants to carry "portable" belongings freely with themselves. It was required that possessions not carried across the Aegean sea be recorded in lists; these lists were to be submitted to both governments for reimbursement. After a commission was established to deal with the particular issue of belongings (mobile and immobile) of the populations, this commission would decide the total sum to pay persons for their immovable belongings (houses, cars, land, etc.) It was also promised that in their new settlement, the refugees would be provided with new possessions totaling the ones they had left behind. Greece and Turkey would calculate the total value of a refugee's belongings and the country with a surplus would pay the difference to the other country. All possessions left in Greece belonged to the Greek state and all the possessions left in Turkey belonged to the Turkish state. Because of the difference in nature and numbers of the populations, the possessions left behind by the Greek elite of the economic classes in Anatolia was greater than the possessions of the Muslim farmers in Greece.[23]

Norman M. Naimark claimed that this treaty was the last part of an ethnic cleansing campaign to create an ethnically pure homeland for the Turks.[24] Historian Dinah Shelton similarly wrote that "the Lausanne Treaty completed the forcible transfer of the country's Greeks."[25]

مخيمات اللاجئين

 
Greek and Armenian refugee children in Athens
 
Muslim refugees

The Refugee Commission had no useful plan to follow to resettle the refugees. Having arrived in Greece for the purpose of settling the refugees on land, the Commission had no statistical data either about the number of the refugees or the number of available acres. When the Commission arrived in Greece, the Greek government had already settled provisionally 72,581 farming families, almost entirely in Macedonia, where the houses abandoned by the exchanged Moslems, and the fertility of the land made their establishment practicable and auspicious.

In Turkey, the property abandoned by the Greeks was often looted by arriving immigrants before the influx of immigrants of the population exchange. As a result, it was quite difficult to settle refugees in Anatolia since many of these homes had been occupied by people displaced by war before the government could seize them.[26]

الآثار السياسية والاقتصادية للتبادل

الأثر على العرقيات السكانية الأخرى

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التهجيرات

 
آثر التبادل السكاني على ديموغرافيا اليونان.



التبعات

 
السكان اليونانيون في إسطنبول والنسب المئوية لسكان المدينة (1844–1997). أدت المذابح المنظمة والسياسات في تركيا إلى خروج بقية الجالية اليونانية.
 
صك الملكية أثناء التبادل السكاني اليوناني التركي من ينا (كاينارجا) إلى سالونيك (16 ديسمبر 1927).

استثنيَ الأتراك والمسلمون الآخرون في غرب تراقيا من هذا التبادل السكاني كما استثني يونانيو القسطنطينية (اسطنبول) و جزر إيجة إمبروس (گوق چى عادة) و تندوس (بوزجاعادة). وفي هذا الصدد، فإن اليونانيين الذين فروا مؤقتاً من تلك المناطق، خصوصاً اسطنبول، قبل دخول الجيش التركي لم تسمح لهم تركيا بالعودة إلى بيوتهم بعد ذلك.[بحاجة لمصدر]

Greece, with a population of just over 5,000,000 people, had to absorb 1,221,489 new citizens from Turkey.[27]

The punitive measures carried out by the Republic of Turkey, such as the 1932 parliamentary law which barred Greek citizens in Turkey from a series of 30 trades and professions from tailor and carpenter to medicine, law, and real estate,[28] correlated with a reduction in the Greek population of Istanbul, and of that of Imbros and Tenedos.

Most property abandoned by Greeks who were subject to the population exchange was confiscated by the Turkish government by declaring them "abandoned" and therefore state owned.[29] Properties were confiscated arbitrarily by labeling the former owners as "fugitives" under the court of law.[30][31][32] Additionally, real property of many Greeks was declared "unclaimed" and ownership was subsequently assumed by the state.[30] Consequently, the greater part of the Greeks' real property was sold at nominal value by the Turkish government.[30] Sub-committees that operated under the framework of the Committee for Abandoned properties had undertaken the verification of persons to be exchanged in order to continue the task of selling property abandoned.[30]

The Varlık Vergisi capital gains tax imposed in 1942 on wealthy non-Muslims in Turkey also served to reduce the economic potential of ethnic Greek business people in Turkey. Furthermore, violent incidents as the Istanbul Pogrom (1955) directed primarily against the ethnic Greek community, and against the Armenian and Jewish minorities, greatly accelerated emigration of Greeks, reducing the 200,000-strong Greek minority in 1924 to just over 2,500 in 2006.[33] The 1955 Istanbul Pogrom caused most of the Greek inhabitants remaining in Istanbul to flee to Greece.

The population profile of Crete was significantly altered as well. Greek- and Turkish-speaking Muslim inhabitants of Crete (Cretan Turks) moved, principally to the Anatolian coast, but also to Syria, Lebanon and Egypt. Conversely, Greeks from Asia Minor, principally Smyrna, arrived in Crete bringing in their distinctive dialects, customs and cuisine.

According to Bruce Clark, leaders of Greece and Turkey, and some circles in the international community, saw the resulting ethnic homogenization of their respective states as positive and stabilizing since it helped strengthen the nation-state natures of these two states.[34] Nevertheless, the deportations brought significant challenges: social, such as forcibly being removed from one's place of living, and more practical such as abandoning a well-developed family business. Countries also face other practical challenges: for example, even decades after, one could notice certain hastily developed parts of Athens, residential areas that had been quickly erected on a budget while receiving the fleeing Asia Minor population. To this day, Greece and Turkey still have properties, and even villages such as Kayaköy, that have been left abandoned since the exchange.

انظر أيضاً

المصادر

  1. ^ أ ب Matthew J. Gibney, Randall Hansen. (2005). Immigration and Asylum: from 1900 to the Present, Volume 3. ABC-CLIO. p. 377. ISBN 978-1-57607-796-2. The total number of Christians who fled to Greece was probably in the region of 1.2 million with the main wave occurring in 1922 before the signing of the convention. According to the official records of the Mixed Commission set up to monitor the movements, the "Greeks" who were transferred after 1923 numbered 189,916 and the number of Muslims expelled to Turkey was 355,635 [Ladas 1932, pp. 438–439]; but using the same source Eddy [1931, p. 201] states that the post-1923 exchange involved 192,356 Greeks from Turkey and 354,647 Muslims from Greece.
  2. ^ Nikolaos Andriotis (2008). Chapter The refugees question in Greece (1821–1930), in "Θέματα Νεοελληνικής Ιστορίας", ΟΕΔΒ ("Topics from Modern Greek History"). 8th edition
  3. ^ http://biblio-archive.unog.ch/Dateien/CouncilMSD/C-524-M-187-1924-II_EN.pdf
  4. ^ http://hellenicresearchcenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/The-Fate-of-Greek-Majority-Psomiades.pdf
  5. ^ Howland, Charles P. "Greece and Her Refugees", Foreign Affairs, The Council on Foreign Relations. July, 1926.
  6. ^ Nikolaos Andriotis (2008). Chapter: The refugees question in Greece (1821–1930), in "Θέματα Νεοελληνικής Ιστορίας", ΟΕΔΒ ("Topics from Modern Greek History"). 8th edition
  7. ^ League of Nations, "The Settlement of Greek Refugees. Scheme for an International Loan," Geneva (October 30th, 1924). Retrieved 16 April 2018.
  8. ^ Harry J. Psomiades, "The Great Powers, Greece and Turkey and the armistice of Mudanya, October 1922. The Fate of the Greek Majority in Eastern Thrace," Presented at the "Conference on Human Rights Issues in the Eastern Mediterranean and Asia Minor" Hellenic-Canadian Federation of Ontario, Toronto, 21 May 2000. Retrieved 16 April 2018.
  9. ^ Jones 2010, pp. 150–51.
  10. ^ Hatzidimitriou, Constantine G., American Accounts Documenting the Destruction of Smyrna by the Kemalist Turkish Forces: September 1922, New Rochelle, NY: Caratzas, 2005, p. 2.
  11. ^ This figure originates from Djemal's bureau.
  12. ^ Estimates on the overall death toll have varied. Providing detailed statistics of the various estimates of the Churches' population after the genocide, David Gaunt accepts the figure of 275,000 deaths as reported by the Assyrian delegation at the Treaty of Lausanne and ventures that the death toll would be around 300,000 because of uncounted Assyrian-inhabited areas.name="The Assyrian Genocide of 1915">David Gaunt, "The Assyrian Genocide of 1915", Assyrian Genocide Research Center, 2009 Rudolph Rummel gives the number of Christian deaths in Assyrian-populated regions of Turkey as 102,000 and adds to this the killing of around 47,000 Assyrians in Persia
  13. ^ name=":0">"The Global Religious Landscape". ResearchGate (in الإنجليزية). Retrieved 2019-02-08. name="cia-rel" /> roughly translating to 200,000-320,000 devotees.
  14. ^ Dawkins, R.M. 1916. Modern Greek in Asia Minor. A study of dialect of Silly, Cappadocia and Pharasa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  15. ^ Midlarsky, Manus I (2005). The Killing Trap: Genocide in the Twentieth Century. Cambridge University Press. pp. 342–43. ISBN 978-0-521-81545-1. Many (Greeks), however, were massacred by the Turks, especially at Smyrna (today's İzmir) as the Greek army withdrew at the end of their headlong retreat from central Anatolia at the end of the Greco-Turkish War. Especially poorly treated were the Pontic Greeks in eastern Anatolia on the Black Sea. In 1920, as the Greek army advanced, many were deported to the Mesopotamian desert as had been the Armenians before them. Nevertheless, approximately 1,200,000 Ottoman Greek refugees arrived in Greece at the end of the war. When one adds to the total the Greeks of Constantinople who, by agreement, were not forced to flee, then the total number comes closer to the 1,500,000 Greeks in Anatolia and Thrace. Here, a strong distinction between intention and action is found. According to the Austrian consul at Amisos, Kwiatkowski, in his November 30, 1916, report to foreign minister Baron Burian: 'on 26 November Rafet Bey told me: "we must finish off the Greeks as we did with the Armenians..." on 28 November Rafet Bey told me: "today I sent squads to the interior to kill every Greek on sight." I fear for the elimination of the entire Greek population and a repeat of what occurred last year.'
  16. ^ Ryan Gingeras. (2009). Sorrowful Shores: Violence, Ethnicity, and the end of the Ottoman Empire, 1912–1923. Oxford Scholarship. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561520.001.0001. ISBN 9780199561520.
  17. ^ أ ب Ryan Gingeras. (2009). Sorrowful Shores: Violence, Ethnicity, and the end of the Ottoman Empire, 1912–1923. Oxford Scholarship. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199561520.001.0001. ISBN 9780199561520.
  18. ^ Mariana, Correia; Letizia, Dipasquale; Saverio, Mecca (2014). VERSUS: Heritage for Tomorrow (in الإنجليزية). Firenze University Press. p. 69. ISBN 9788866557418.
  19. ^ Doumanis, Nicholas (2013). Before the Nation: Muslim-Christian Coexistence and Its Destruction in Late-Ottoman Anatolia (in الإنجليزية). OUP Oxford. p. 99. ISBN 9780199547043.
  20. ^ Karakasidou, Anastasia N. (1997). Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood: Passages to Nationhood in Greek Macedonia 1870–1990. University of Chicago Press.
  21. ^ Keyder, Caglar.. (1987). State & Class in Turkey: A Study in Capitalist Development. Verso.
  22. ^ أ ب Umut Özsu. Formalizing Displacement: International Law and Population Transfers. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015.
  23. ^ Mustafa Suphi Erden (2004). The exchange of Greek and Turkish populations in the 1920s and its socio-economic impacts on life in Anatolia. Journal of Crime, Law & Social Change International Law. pp. 261–282.
  24. ^ Naimark, Norman M (2002), Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in Twentieth-Century Europe, Harvard University Press. p. 47.
  25. ^ Dinah, Shelton. Encyclopaedia of Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, p. 303.
  26. ^ Dimitri Pentzopoulos (1962). The Balkan Exchange of Minorities and its Impact on Greece. Hurst & Company. pp. 51–110.
  27. ^ George Kritikos (2000). "State policy and urban employment of refugees: The Greek case (1923–30)". European Review of History: Revue Européenne d'Histoire. 7 (2): 189–206. doi:10.1080/713666751.
  28. ^ Vryonis, Speros (2005). The Mechanism of Catastrophe: The Turkish Pogrom of September 6–7, 1955, and the Destruction of the Greek Community of Istanbul. New York: Greekworks.com, Inc. ISBN 978-0-9747660-3-4.
  29. ^ Tsouloufis, Angelos (1989). "The exchange of Greek and Turkish populations and the financial estimation of abandoned properties on either side". Enosi Smyrnaion. 1 (100).
  30. ^ أ ب ت ث Lekka, Anastasia (Winter 2007). "Legislative Provisions of the Ottoman/Turkish Governments Regarding Minorities and Their Properties". Mediterranean Quarterly. 18 (1): 135–154. doi:10.1215/10474552-2006-038. ISSN 1047-4552.
  31. ^ Metin Herer, "Turkey: The Political System Yesterday, Today, and Tomorrow," in Contemporary Turkey: Society, Economy, External Policy, ed. Thanos Veremis and Thanos Dokos (Athens: Papazisi/ELIAMEP, 2002), 17 – 9.
  32. ^ Yildirim, Onur (2013). Diplomacy and Displacement: Reconsidering the Turco-Greek Exchange of Populations, 1922–1934. Taylor & Francis. p. 317. ISBN 978-1-136-60009-8.
  33. ^ According to the Human Rights Watch the Greek population in Turkey is estimated at 2,500 in 2006. "From 'Denying Human Rights and Ethnic Identity' series of Human Rights Watch" Archived يوليو 7, 2006 at the Wayback Machine Human Rights Watch, 2 July 2006.
  34. ^ Clark, Bruce (2006). Twice A Stranger: How Mass Expulsion Forged Modern Greece and Turkey. Granta. ISBN 978-1-86207-752-2.

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